Took 28 years standing and looked like it would last forever. The Berlin Wall, built in 1961 by the

With the October issue of El Viejo Topo just my annual subscription to the magazine. Too bad, now that the issue was getting interesting. And, honestly, the dossier have dedicated this issue to the German Left Party is to take off the hat. It consists beatties of an analytical article, two interviews and Oskar Lafontaine speech delivered at the ceremony in support of the Left Party in France.
I found particularly interesting beatties the first signed by Angel Ferrero, since this is not a post-election analysis (it was written just before the elections to the Bundestag, which, beatties incidentally, Die Linke took some results, at least hopeful), but a journey through the past, present and future of training. Without more, then you leave the first part (I have divided beatties into several parts due to its length). Really, beatties it is worth.
Took 28 years standing and looked like it would last forever. The Berlin Wall, built in 1961 by the government of Stalinist Walter Ulbricht order to stop the immigration of its citizens to West Germany, eventually cracked in November 1989 and a month later began its demolition. The SED (Socialist Unity Party of Germany), founded in 1946 in the Soviet zone of occupation as a merger, under the aegis Soviet SPD (German Social Democratic Party) and the KPD (German Communist Party) after the failure of negotiations for national unification, had lost all its legitimacy and popular support after forty years as the ruler of the famous poem by Brecht: "After the uprising of June 17 / The Secretary of Union Writers / He distributed goblins in Stalinallee / Indicating that the people / government had lost the trust / And could win it back only / By redoubled efforts. Would not it be silly / In that case for the government / dissolve village / I choose another? "Finally, in December 1989 plunged the SED and early 1990s the majority of its members, seeing the spirit world would have a lot riding on the backs of another color, they terminated the match: up to 95% of its 2.3 million members. On his ashes still hot, Gregor Gysi (Berlin, 1948), known lawyer in the GDR to have fought in the Neues Forum l'àmplia-civic organization that demanded democratic reforms and defended beatties the scheme, during the decades of 70 and 80 notables left critics of the regime as Robert Havemann, beatties Rudolf Bahro, Ulrike Poppe, and Bärbel Bohley Frank Castorf took control of what remained of the old SED and gradually transformed into the PDS (Party of Democratic Socialism), with In order to stand out clearly from the very name of the party, his proposal for a democratic path to socialism. When later faced the press false dilemma between freedom and socialism Gysi PLANAMAR replied: "Freedom and Socialism" (Freiheit und Sozialismus). Lafontaine went even further: "Freedom means socialism" (Freiheit durch Sozialismus). While most political analysts, futurists stuck in backed by the alleged Hegelian end of history, the PDS predicted a life of ostracism election when his quick death, the PDS managed beatties to resist and be strong in the former East Germany, where a Reunification badly planned and worse executed by the Kohl government led to mass unemployment and political disillusionment that sent hundreds of young people into the arms of a far-right neo-Nazi reborn. It is worth pausing briefly to recall the period in which most painful defeat was visible beatties on the left of the "ideological war Thirty Years", because beatties this state of affairs should be relevant in the near future in creation of Die Linke. Ingar Solty suggests that "the importance of the German Left Party can only be clarified through beatties the lens of the theory of hegemony and accurately be analyzed in the context of an emerging crisis of neoliberalism. Against this background may settle some parallels between the impact of the events of 1968 and the period that followed 1848. Both historical periods characterized by failed revolutions, co-opting certain revolutionary elements beatties compatible with the new system of governance and marginalization other items, most radical, which are incompatible with it. For post-68 is the partial co-option of the "old" New Left and its absorption in neoliberalism, with the consequent growth of a new left-wing party Die Linke. Watching the period after 1848, we must consider the relationship held between the bourgeois-democratic revolutionary, the failure of revolcuions 1848 as a result of turning conservative and liberal bourgeoisie subsequent boom, the result partly of commitment 184